mourn

The Hebrew, Latin, and Greek that is translated as “mourn” or similar in English is translated in Newari as “have one’s heart broken” or “have a bursting heart” (source: Newari Back Translation).

In Cherokee it is translated as “going around feeling badly” (source: Bender / Belt 2025, p. 16).

forget

The Hebrew, Latin, Ge’ez, and Greek that is translated as “forget” in English is translated in Noongar as dwangka-anbangbat, lit. “ear-lose.” (Source: Portions of the Holy Bible in the Nyunga language of Australia, 2018).

See also remember and forget (Japanese honorifics).

rock

The Hebrew that is translated as “rock” in English is translated in the Chichewa as thanthwe. “Thanthwe” normally is a big stone that spreads over a large area either visible or lying underneath and cannot be lifted or moved. In Chewa religious context, “thanthwe” was a sacred rock which people believed to be the place of worship. This place was safe because it was associated with the presence of the Supreme Being. (Source: Mawu a Mulungu mu Chichewa Chalero Back Translation)

Lynell Zogbo (in Review and Expositor 2011, p. 279ff.) explains some of the issues with the translation of “rock” in other African languages:

“Despite the interesting points of similarity between African and biblical worldviews, genres, and linguistic structures, there remains a significant number of ‘mismatches.’ One interesting problem concerns the metaphorical expression, ‘rock,’ often used in cries for help to Yahweh or affirmations of trust in him, which are so prominent in the first and second books of Psalms; as well as in certain prophetic passages. While exegetes do not agree about the major semantic traits being emphasized (do they express protection, stability, or God’s unchangeable nature?), all do agree that the metaphor designating the Divinity carries strong positive connotations within a context of adversity or conflict.

“Throughout Africa, however, the notion of ‘rock’ often has very different connotations, and they are not always positive.

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“Across the continent, and more specifically in West Africa, large out-jutting rocks are, along with certain large trees and rivers, considered sacred. ‘Genies’ (good and evil spirits) dwell in these locations, where they are invoked and where they receive blood sacrifices. Prayers are offered for riches, happiness, success, fertility, security, etc. Thus, it is not unusual in various regions to see a large grouping of rocks stained with blood, with a smattering of chicken feathers, and other unusual markings – i.e., pure white cotton strips tied around the rocks themselves.

“Prayers offered at ‘the rock’ are often for protection, whether the dangers being invoked are spiritual or material. For example, in Niger, Zarma fishermen (of the Sorko cast) offer sacrifices on rocks jutting out of the river to protect them from dangerous hippos or alligators.

“Given the sacredness of these locations, in some cultures, only certain members of society may be allowed in their vicinity. For example, in Angola these rocks are not visited ‘by just anyone’: they are ‘mysterious.’ Likewise, in parts of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), these dwelling places of spirits are not accessible to all, but rather only to the initiated or older members of the community. In other cultures, however, stone outcroppings may be a major meeting place, playing a major role in community life, being the place of regular and/or annual sacrifices.

“In the Baoule culture (Cote d’lvoire), the ‘rock’ plays a central role in traditional worship. The word ‘rock’ evokes immediately in all speakers uprooted or displaced. It serves as a spiritual intermediary and a protector. Often this rock is situated near a source of water, facilitating animal sacrifice, which may include chickens, sheep or even a cow or bull, usually on a yearly basis. This rock is also where important alliances are sealed, in the presence of (and by invoking) the spirits. The place is to be the notion of a ‘god,’ as well as a place where one goes to ask for protection from danger. The Baoule expression ‘Let’s go to the rock’ means ‘Let’s go worship/sacrifice’ (to ancestors and/or genies, not God). The rock (yebue or yɔgbuɛ) is in fact considered ‘a little god,’ which is fixed hard, lasting through time, not able to be kept pure at all times, and while all may go to the rock, a number of strict rules protect its sacredness: menstruating women may not go to the rock, ‘normal’ non-sacrificed food may not be eaten there, and pregnant women cannot visit this location on given days (Wednesdays and Fridays!). Finally, it is not permitted to speak evil of this ‘god.’ In some cultures, rocks are associated with important historic events. For example, in one location in DRC, a specific rock is known as the first place a white explorer arrived. It is reported that genies appear regularly at this rock, sometimes in the form of a man, and sometimes as a woman with three breasts. In recent times during the war, genies are said to have appeared at this rock to prevent rebels from attacking a nearby village. These rocks, associated with important ancestors and actors in history have become important places of worship.

“Attitudes towards the ‘rock’ vary from one culture to another and from one language to another. While in some cultures (Doyayo, Cameroon), the rock evokes fear, in others, some speakers say the word ‘rock’ evokes a powerful divinity who answers prayer. In Toussian culture (Gur, Burkina Faso), bits of the larger rock are broken off and taken home from the sacrifice place and hidden in houses, where they will be venerated by future generations.

“In some cultures, the name ‘rock’ may be given to children when they are born. Among the Baoules, for example, a child may be named Yobus or Ysbue. This person may be so named because of the relationship between a particular family and the rock, and the person named ‘rock’ may then ‘represent for his family a force of spiritual importance.’ The person may be feared because of his or her mystic powers that can be used against others. ‘You do not fear this child, man, or woman; you can insult them or disrespect them, but (you must be careful) to not insult or offend this little ‘god’ this person represents.’ If the rock is offended, one must go to the rock, not the person named rock, to ask forgiveness.

“In Baoule culture, the person named ‘rock’ is usually known as someone having a difficult personality. The following advice was given by an old man: ‘Never name one of your sons ‘rock.’ Rocks are hard. If you make the mistake of naming one of your sons ‘rock,’ he will have a difficult personality, hard like a stone.’ 30 When a certain pastor with this name committed suicide, people surmised that: ‘He died because his name was Yobus. Demons took advantage of a moment of spiritual weakness… and led him to commit suicide.’ A village with the name Yobuekro (‘village of stone’) is considered by some to be cursed because of its name. Following its founding, this town never grew and its inhabitants eventually abandoned it.

“In other cultures, ‘rock’ may be part of a name acquired after birth, imposed by others, or assumed by the person himself. Thus, in Worodougou, a Mande language spoken in Cote d’lvoire, some young people call themselves Gbofia, kawa nyanjunghun, ‘the rock, the wrong side of a stone,’ evoking their dependability and hard work. Nothing (no hard task) scares them, so their presence is reassuring.

“In many cultures, rocks are used figuratively to refer to problems that are difficult to solve or to people who exhibit certain personality traits. In Mwan, comparing people to a rock means that they are hardhearted, resistant towards others. Such people are difficult, refusing to forgive or to let others have their way. In Kikongo, a rock may refer in a figurative sense to an obstacle and problem that is difficult to resolve. Thus it is reported that a big witch gave himself the name ‘Scratch the rock,’ meaning that he is invincible and has great spiritual power. Anyone who ‘scratches the rock’ (attacks him) will be in great trouble. In a Christian song in Baoule, believers sing, ‘The big rocks, Jesus uprooted them.’ According to one person, this means that Jesus has driven out strong demons, 35 but it is also possible that it means Jesus has destroyed fetish worship or idolatry.

“In light of these observations, it is clear translators in African contexts are faced with an important question: Can the word ‘rock’ be used in a metaphorical sense to refer to Yahweh, for example, in the verses cited above? Several pastors, especially of Baoule origin, have responded with a firm ‘No!’ One pastor commented ‘The Baoules have a little god (represented by the rock), but this little god is definitely NOT the all-powerful God, Creator.’ Indeed, in the Baoule Bible published in 1998, the ‘rock’ metaphor referring to God seems to have been purposely avoided in the book of Psalms. When the word ‘rock’ occurs referring to God, translators have consistently translated ‘God on whom I lean,’ as in the rendering of Psalm 73:26: ‘the one on whom I lean, it’s you.’

“In Doyayo (Cameroon), a translator notes, ‘it would be hard to understand Rock as a symbol of security and use it to refer to God.’ The translator suggests the possibility of replacing one metaphor by another, using a functional equivalent, soolkolunyo, ‘stick of traveler,’ i.e., ‘walking stick,’ also called affectionately ‘my companion in all circumstances.’ The walking stick is a very strong symbol in Doyayo culture, used in times of danger, for example, when crossing a flooded river, or when warding off an attack. This proposal has not yet been tried out, but it seems a possible solution to a rather complex translation problem in this language.

“Even in cultures where there is a direct link between the rock and traditional African worship, however, some Christians would favor trying to retain this biblical image, introducing it as a new metaphor or ‘reorienting’ a current one. For some Baoule theologians, for example, along with all its other seemingly negative connotations, the rock can be seen as a symbol of solidity and immovability. Thus, it could represent strength and resistance, or someone with an unchangeable nature. One Baoule pastor quoted the idiomatic expression ‘be strong like a rock’ (…). Thus, some suggest it is possible to say in Baoule ‘God is my strong rock’ in a Christian context, despite its negative connotations in a non-Christian one.

“One translator in Dzùùngoo, a Mande language spoken in Burkina Faso, notes that while ‘rock’ refers to a place of (bloody) sacrifice, the word does have positive connotations in everyday life, as a grinding stone for flour, as a foundation of a house, etc. He thus proposes it might be possible to use the word ‘rock’ to refer to God, perhaps with a footnote or a note in the glossary to explain that worship of good and evil spirits is not intended.

“Despite its ‘fetish’ origins, some speakers seem to be able to ‘look beyond’ and transfer the already figurative meaning of ‘rock’ in their culture to another element, namely the unique and all- powerful God. They are willing to widen their worldview and transfer the positive traits of the traditional ‘rock’ or ‘god’ to the unique Divinity. Such a viewpoint may be motivated by a desire to remain faithful to the Scriptural text, but also by the desire to allow readers access to the biblical metaphors as they occur in the Hebrew text. Such ‘intrusions’ into or changes in the semantic make-up of a given word and concept are very common linguistically speaking: semantic ‘extensions’ or changes of meaning in words of all types are everyday occurrences in languages around the world. But it is clear, if Bible translators take such as a step, for example, concerning the rendering of a highly ‘explosive’ word like ‘rock,’ they will inevitably set in motion a semantic change in their own mother tongue, a change which, given the written nature of the Scriptures, will probably remain in effect for generations.

“In some languages in Africa, a literal rendering of ‘rock’ does not seem to pose a problem. In Guro, for example, proverbs, songs, and names provide evidence that the notion ‘rock’ carries semantic traits that fit the biblical use: strength, resistance, security, and permanence. Thus, a Guro proverb says, ‘An elephant will always see you, unless you are behind a rock.’ (…)

“As mentioned above, it remains to be seen which exact semantic trait is in view in each case of the appearance of the word ‘rock’ in the Psalms or in its other occurrences in the Bible. When it co-occurs with words like ‘refuge,’ it seems to indicate a place to hide; but in other contexts, it may carry the meaning of stability.

“In some African languages, hardness is equal to strength. Thus in Yocoboué Dida, Godié and Guiberoua Béte, Kru languages spoken in Cote d’lvoire, instead of calling God a ‘strong’ or ‘hard rock,’ it may be better to call him directly ‘strength,’ though this removes the rock metaphor, one of the important praise names for God in the Psalms. Despite the mismatch between the biblical ‘rock’ (the Lord), and ‘rock’ in many African languages, the idiomatic expression ‘having one’s feet on a rock,’ does seem to be an effective metaphor, posing no problem in translation. In Worodougou, for example, a similar metaphor appears in a woman’s song, where a woman praises her husband as a source of strength in adversity:

“A big wind comes, my hand grabs a strong tree, A big wind comes, my feet are on a hard rock.

“Thus, despite the possibility of ‘mismatch,’ there are many cases where the notion of ‘God as rock’ will communicate effectively. This study underlines, however, the need for translators to consider not only the semantic component of key terms in their biblical contexts, but also to remain vigilant and to anticipate potential misunderstandings due to cultural backdrop. Though it is hard to imagine a Bible in Africa without the powerful metaphor and strong image, ‘God, my rock,’ in some cultures and languages, this may indeed be a necessary choice. Referring to the All Powerful Yahweh as ‘my rock,’ may confuse readers and immediately evoke the worship of spirits rather than God!”

See also Peter – rock.

complete verse (Psalm 42:9)

Following are a number of back-translations as well as a sample translation for translators of Psalm 42:9:

  • Chichewa Contempary Chichewa translation, 2002/2016:
    “I am saying that to God my Rock,
    ‘Why have you forgotten me?
    Why should I walk while crying,
    oppressed by an enemy?’” (Source: Mawu a Mulungu mu Chichewa Chalero Back Translation)
  • Newari:
    “I say to God my rock,,
    ‘Why have you forgotten me?
    Why should I have to keep on morning
    because my enemies oppress me?"” (Source: Newari Back Translation)
  • Hiligaynon:
    “O God my protecting/place-to-hide/place-of-refuge rock/stone, I am-saying to you (sing.),
    ‘Why have- you (sing.) -forgotten me?
    Why must I mourn because of the oppression of me by the enemies?’” (Source: Hiligaynon Back Translation)
  • Eastern Bru:
    “I ask from God, the one who protects me like this: "Why have you forgotten me? Why must I suffer adversity from people who hate me?"” (Source: Bru Back Translation)
  • Laarim:
    “I say to my God who is my mountain who keeps me,
    ‘Why have you forgotten me?
    why do I cry,
    because my enemies disturbed me?” (Source: Laarim Back Translation)
  • Nyakyusa-Ngonde (back-translation into Swahili):
    “Namwambia Mungu, ambaye ni mwamba wangu,
    nasema, ‘Kwa nini umenisahau?
    Kwa nini nihuzunike na kuonewa na maadui?’” (Source: Nyakyusa Back Translation)
  • English:
    “I say to God, who is like an overhanging rock under which I can hide,
    ‘It seems that you have forgotten me.
    I <mourn/ cry> constantly because my enemies act cruelly toward me’.” (Source: Translation for Translators)

pray / prayer

The Hebrew, Aramaic, Latin, Ge’ez, and Greek that is translated as “pray” (or “prayer”) in English is often translated as “talking with God” (Central Pame, Tzeltal, Chol, Chimborazo Highland Quichua, Shipibo-Conibo, Kaqchikel, Tepeuxila Cuicatec, Copainalá Zoque, Central Tarahumara).

Other solutions include:

  • “beg” or “ask,” (full expression: “ask with one’s heart coming out,” which leaves out selfish praying, for asking with the heart out leaves no place for self to hide) (Tzotzil)
  • “cause God to know” (Huichol)
  • “raise up one’s words to God” (implying an element of worship, as well as communication) (Miskito, Lacandon) (source of this and all above: Bratcher / Nida)
  • “speak to God” (Shilluk) (source: Nida 1964, p. 237)
  • “talk together with Great Above One (=God)” (Mairasi) (source: Enggavoter, 2004)
  • “call to one’s Father” (San Blas Kuna) (source: Claudio and Marvel Iglesias in The Bible Translator 1951, p. 85ff. )
  • “beg” (waan) (Ik). Terrill Schrock (in Wycliffe Bible Translators 2016, p. 93) explains (click or tap here to read more):

    What do begging and praying have to do with each other? Do you beg when you pray? Do I?

    “The Ik word for ‘visitor’ is waanam, which means ‘begging person.’ Do you beg when you go visiting? The Ik do. Maybe you don’t beg, but maybe when you visit someone, you are looking for something. Maybe it’s just a listening ear.

    When the Ik hear that [my wife] Amber and I are planning trip to this or that place for a certain amount of time, the letters and lists start coming. As the days dwindle before our departure, the little stack of guests grows. ‘Please, sir, remember me for the allowing: shoes, jacket (rainproof), watch, box, trousers, pens, and money for the children. Thank you, sir, for your assistance.’

    “A few people come by just to greet us or spend bit of time with us. Another precious few will occasionally confide in us about their problems without asking for anything more than a listening ear. I love that.

    “The other day I was in our spare bedroom praying my list of requests to God — a nice list covering most areas of my life, certainly all the points of anxiety. Then it hit me: Does God want my list, or does he want my relationship?

    “I decided to try something. Instead of reading off my list of requests to God, I just talk to him about my issues without any expectation of how he should respond. I make it more about our relationship than my list, because if our personhood is like God’s personhood, then maybe God prefers our confidence and time to our lists, letters, and enumerations.”

In Luang it is translated with different shades of meaning (click or tap here to read more):

  • For Acts 1:14, 20:36, 21:5: kola ttieru-yawur nehla — “hold the waist and hug the neck.” (“This is the more general term for prayer and often refers to worship in prayer as opposed to petition. The Luang people spend the majority of their prayers worshiping rather than petitioning, which explains why this term often is used generically for prayer.”)
  • For Acts 28:9: sumbiani — “pray.” (“This term is also used generically for ‘prayer’. When praying is referred to several times in close proximity, it serves as a variation for kola ttieru-yawur nehla, in keeping with Luang discourse style. It is also used when a prayer is made up of many requests.”)
  • For Acts 8:15, 12:5: polu-waka — “call-ask.” (“This is a term for petition that is used especially when the need is very intense.”)

Source: Kathy Taber in Notes on Translation 1/1999, p. 9-16.

See also Nehemiah’s prayer (image).

addressing God

Translators of different languages have found different ways with what kind of formality God is addressed.

Like many languages (but unlike Greek or Hebrew or modern English), Tuvan uses a formal vs. informal 2nd person pronoun (a familiar vs. a respectful “you”). Unlike other languages that have this feature, however, the translators of the Tuvan Bible have attempted to be very consistent in using the different forms of address in every case a 2nd person pronoun has to be used in the translation of the biblical text.

As Voinov shows in Pronominal Theology in Translating the Gospels (in: The Bible Translator 2002, p. 210ff. ), the choice to use either of the pronouns many times involved theological judgment. While the formal pronoun can signal personal distance or a social/power distance between the speaker and addressee, the informal pronoun can indicate familiarity or social/power equality between speaker and addressee.

In these verses, in which humans address God, the informal, familiar pronoun is used that communicates closeness.

Voinov notes that “in the Tuvan Bible, God is only addressed with the informal pronoun. No exceptions. An interesting thing about this is that I’ve heard new Tuvan believers praying with the formal form to God until they are corrected by other Christians who tell them that God is close to us so we should address him with the informal pronoun. As a result, the informal pronoun is the only one that is used in praying to God among the Tuvan church.”

In Gbaya, “a superior, whether father, uncle, or older brother, mother, aunt, or older sister, president, governor, or chief, is never addressed in the singular unless the speaker intends a deliberate insult. When addressing the superior face to face, the second person plural pronoun ɛ́nɛ́ or ‘you (pl.)’ is used, similar to the French usage of vous.

Accordingly, the translators of the current version of the Gbaya Bible chose to use the plural ɛ́nɛ́ to address God. There are a few exceptions. In Psalms 86:8, 97:9, and 138:1, God is addressed alongside other “gods,” and here the third person pronoun o is used to avoid confusion about who is being addressed. In several New Testament passages (Matthew 21:23, 26:68, 27:40, Mark 11:28, Luke 20:2, 23:37, as well as in Jesus’ interaction with Pilate and Jesus’ interaction with the Samaritan woman at the well) the less courteous form for Jesus is used to indicate ignorance of his position or mocking.” (Source Philip Noss)

In the most recent Manchu translation of 1835 (a revision of an earlier edition from 1822), God is never addressed with a pronoun but with “father” (ama /ᠠᠮᠠ) instead. Chengcheng Liu (in this post on the Cambridge Centre for Chinese Theology blog ) explains: “In Manchu tradition, as in Chinese etiquette, second-person pronouns could be considered disrespectful when speaking to superiors or spiritual beings. Manchu Shamanist prayers avoided si [‘you’] and sini [‘your’] for this very reason. To use them for God would be, in Lipovzoff’s [one of the two translators] words, ‘the most uncouth and indecent way to speak to the Almighty — as if He were a servant or slave.’ There was also a grammatical problem. In Manchu, si and sini could refer to both singular and plural subjects. For a faith that insisted on the singularity of God, this was potentially confusing. By contrast, repeating ama removed any ambiguity.”

In Dutch, Afrikaans, Gronings, and Western Frisian translations, God is always addressed with the formal pronoun.

See also formal pronoun: disciples addressing Jesus, female second person singular pronoun in Psalms.

enemy / foe

The Greek, Hebrew, Aramaic, Ge’ez, and Latin that is translated as “enemy” or “foe” in English is translated in the Hausa Common Language Bible as “friends of front,” i.e., the person standing opposite you in a battle. (Source: Andy Warren-Rothlin)

In North Alaskan Inupiatun it is translated with a term that implies that it’s not just someone who hates you, but one who wants to do you harm (Source: Robert Bascom), in Tarok as ukpa ìkum or “companion in war/fighting,” and in Ikwere as nye irno m or “person who hates me” (source for this and one above: Chuck and Karen Tessaro in this newsletter ).

In Cherokee it is either translated as “the one(s) who reprimand(s) you” or “the one(s) feared.” (Source: Bender / Belt 2025, p. 47)

forget (Japanese honorifics)

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Like a number of other East Asian languages, Japanese uses a complex system of honorifics, i.e. a system where a number of different levels of politeness are expressed in language via words, word forms or grammatical constructs. These can range from addressing someone or referring to someone with contempt (very informal) to expressing the highest level of reference (as used in addressing or referring to God) or any number of levels in-between. One way to do this is through the usage (or a lack) of an honorific prefix as shown here in the widely-used Japanese Shinkaiyaku (新改訳) Bible of 2017.

The Hebrew that is translated as “forget” in English is translated in the Shinkaiyaku Bible as o-wasure (お忘れ), combining “forget” (wasure) with the respectful prefix o-. (Source: S. E. Doi, see also S. E. Doi in Journal of Translation, 18/2022, p. 37ff. )

See also forget.