2nd person singular pronoun in Psalms in Garifuna

In Garifuna the second person singular pronoun (“you” in English) has two forms. One is used in women’s speech and one in men’s speech. In the Garifuna Bible the form used in men’s speech is typically used, except when it’s clear that a woman is quoted or in Psalms where the women on the translation team insisted that the form used in women’s speech (buguya) would be used throughout the whole book.

Ronald Ross (in Omanson 2001, p. 375f.) tells the story: “Throughout most of the translation, [the distinctions between the different forms of the pronouns] presented no problem. Whenever the speaker in the text was perceived as a man, the male speech forms were used; and when a woman was speaking, the female speech forms were used. True, the women members of the translation team did object on occasion to the use of the male forms when the author (and narrator) of a book was unknown and the men translators had used the male speech forms as the default. Serious discord arose, however, during the translation of the Psalms because of their highly devotional nature and because throughout the book the psalmist is addressing God. The male translators had, predictably, used the male form to address God, and the male form to refer to the psalmist, even though women speakers of Garifuna never use those forms to address anyone. The women contended that they could not as women read the Psalms meaningfully if God and the psalmist were always addressed as if the readers were men. The men, of course, turned the argument around, claiming that neither could they read the Psalms comfortably if the reader was assumed to be a woman.

“Initially there seemed to be no way out of this impasse. However a solution was found in the ongoing evolution of the language. There is a strong propensity for male speech and female speech to merge in favor of the latter, so the few remaining male forms are gradually dying out. Moreover, male children learn female speech from their mothers and only shift to the male speech forms when they reach adolescence to avoid sounding effeminate. However they use the female form buguya when addressing their parents throughout life. So the women wielded two arguments: First, the general development of the language favored the increasing use of the female forms. Secondly, the female forms are less strange to the men than the male forms are to the women, because the men habitually use them during early childhood and continue to use them to address their parents even in adulthood. Therefore, the female pronominal forms prevailed and were adopted throughout the book of Psalms, though the male forms remained the default forms in the rest of the translation.”

See also female first person singular pronoun in Psalms and addressing God.

addressing God

Translators of different languages have found different ways with what kind of formality God is addressed.

Like many languages (but unlike Greek or Hebrew or modern English), Tuvan uses a formal vs. informal 2nd person pronoun (a familiar vs. a respectful “you”). Unlike other languages that have this feature, however, the translators of the Tuvan Bible have attempted to be very consistent in using the different forms of address in every case a 2nd person pronoun has to be used in the translation of the biblical text.

As Voinov shows in Pronominal Theology in Translating the Gospels (in: The Bible Translator 2002, p. 210ff. ), the choice to use either of the pronouns many times involved theological judgment. While the formal pronoun can signal personal distance or a social/power distance between the speaker and addressee, the informal pronoun can indicate familiarity or social/power equality between speaker and addressee.

In these verses, in which humans address God, the informal, familiar pronoun is used that communicates closeness.

Voinov notes that “in the Tuvan Bible, God is only addressed with the informal pronoun. No exceptions. An interesting thing about this is that I’ve heard new Tuvan believers praying with the formal form to God until they are corrected by other Christians who tell them that God is close to us so we should address him with the informal pronoun. As a result, the informal pronoun is the only one that is used in praying to God among the Tuvan church.”

In Gbaya, “a superior, whether father, uncle, or older brother, mother, aunt, or older sister, president, governor, or chief, is never addressed in the singular unless the speaker intends a deliberate insult. When addressing the superior face to face, the second person plural pronoun ɛ́nɛ́ or ‘you (pl.)’ is used, similar to the French usage of vous.

Accordingly, the translators of the current version of the Gbaya Bible chose to use the plural ɛ́nɛ́ to address God. There are a few exceptions. In Psalms 86:8, 97:9, and 138:1, God is addressed alongside other “gods,” and here the third person pronoun o is used to avoid confusion about who is being addressed. In several New Testament passages (Matthew 21:23, 26:68, 27:40, Mark 11:28, Luke 20:2, 23:37, as well as in Jesus’ interaction with Pilate and Jesus’ interaction with the Samaritan woman at the well) the less courteous form for Jesus is used to indicate ignorance of his position or mocking.” (Source Philip Noss)

In the most recent Manchu translation of 1835 (a revision of an earlier edition from 1822), God is never addressed with a pronoun but with “father” (ama /ᠠᠮᠠ) instead. Chengcheng Liu (in this post on the Cambridge Centre for Chinese Theology blog ) explains: “In Manchu tradition, as in Chinese etiquette, second-person pronouns could be considered disrespectful when speaking to superiors or spiritual beings. Manchu Shamanist prayers avoided si [‘you’] and sini [‘your’] for this very reason. To use them for God would be, in Lipovzoff’s [one of the two translators] words, ‘the most uncouth and indecent way to speak to the Almighty — as if He were a servant or slave.’ There was also a grammatical problem. In Manchu, si and sini could refer to both singular and plural subjects. For a faith that insisted on the singularity of God, this was potentially confusing. By contrast, repeating ama removed any ambiguity.”

In Dutch, Afrikaans, Gronings, and Western Frisian translations, God is always addressed with the formal pronoun.

See also formal pronoun: disciples addressing Jesus, female second person singular pronoun in Psalms.

rock

The Hebrew that is translated as “rock” in English is translated in the Chichewa as thanthwe. “Thanthwe” normally is a big stone that spreads over a large area either visible or lying underneath and cannot be lifted or moved. In Chewa religious context, “thanthwe” was a sacred rock which people believed to be the place of worship. This place was safe because it was associated with the presence of the Supreme Being. (Source: Mawu a Mulungu mu Chichewa Chalero Back Translation)

Lynell Zogbo (in Review and Expositor 2011, p. 279ff.) explains some of the issues with the translation of “rock” in other African languages:

“Despite the interesting points of similarity between African and biblical worldviews, genres, and linguistic structures, there remains a significant number of ‘mismatches.’ One interesting problem concerns the metaphorical expression, ‘rock,’ often used in cries for help to Yahweh or affirmations of trust in him, which are so prominent in the first and second books of Psalms; as well as in certain prophetic passages. While exegetes do not agree about the major semantic traits being emphasized (do they express protection, stability, or God’s unchangeable nature?), all do agree that the metaphor designating the Divinity carries strong positive connotations within a context of adversity or conflict.

“Throughout Africa, however, the notion of ‘rock’ often has very different connotations, and they are not always positive.

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“Across the continent, and more specifically in West Africa, large out-jutting rocks are, along with certain large trees and rivers, considered sacred. ‘Genies’ (good and evil spirits) dwell in these locations, where they are invoked and where they receive blood sacrifices. Prayers are offered for riches, happiness, success, fertility, security, etc. Thus, it is not unusual in various regions to see a large grouping of rocks stained with blood, with a smattering of chicken feathers, and other unusual markings – i.e., pure white cotton strips tied around the rocks themselves.

“Prayers offered at ‘the rock’ are often for protection, whether the dangers being invoked are spiritual or material. For example, in Niger, Zarma fishermen (of the Sorko cast) offer sacrifices on rocks jutting out of the river to protect them from dangerous hippos or alligators.

“Given the sacredness of these locations, in some cultures, only certain members of society may be allowed in their vicinity. For example, in Angola these rocks are not visited ‘by just anyone’: they are ‘mysterious.’ Likewise, in parts of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), these dwelling places of spirits are not accessible to all, but rather only to the initiated or older members of the community. In other cultures, however, stone outcroppings may be a major meeting place, playing a major role in community life, being the place of regular and/or annual sacrifices.

“In the Baoule culture (Cote d’lvoire), the ‘rock’ plays a central role in traditional worship. The word ‘rock’ evokes immediately in all speakers uprooted or displaced. It serves as a spiritual intermediary and a protector. Often this rock is situated near a source of water, facilitating animal sacrifice, which may include chickens, sheep or even a cow or bull, usually on a yearly basis. This rock is also where important alliances are sealed, in the presence of (and by invoking) the spirits. The place is to be the notion of a ‘god,’ as well as a place where one goes to ask for protection from danger. The Baoule expression ‘Let’s go to the rock’ means ‘Let’s go worship/sacrifice’ (to ancestors and/or genies, not God). The rock (yebue or yɔgbuɛ) is in fact considered ‘a little god,’ which is fixed hard, lasting through time, not able to be kept pure at all times, and while all may go to the rock, a number of strict rules protect its sacredness: menstruating women may not go to the rock, ‘normal’ non-sacrificed food may not be eaten there, and pregnant women cannot visit this location on given days (Wednesdays and Fridays!). Finally, it is not permitted to speak evil of this ‘god.’ In some cultures, rocks are associated with important historic events. For example, in one location in DRC, a specific rock is known as the first place a white explorer arrived. It is reported that genies appear regularly at this rock, sometimes in the form of a man, and sometimes as a woman with three breasts. In recent times during the war, genies are said to have appeared at this rock to prevent rebels from attacking a nearby village. These rocks, associated with important ancestors and actors in history have become important places of worship.

“Attitudes towards the ‘rock’ vary from one culture to another and from one language to another. While in some cultures (Doyayo, Cameroon), the rock evokes fear, in others, some speakers say the word ‘rock’ evokes a powerful divinity who answers prayer. In Toussian culture (Gur, Burkina Faso), bits of the larger rock are broken off and taken home from the sacrifice place and hidden in houses, where they will be venerated by future generations.

“In some cultures, the name ‘rock’ may be given to children when they are born. Among the Baoules, for example, a child may be named Yobus or Ysbue. This person may be so named because of the relationship between a particular family and the rock, and the person named ‘rock’ may then ‘represent for his family a force of spiritual importance.’ The person may be feared because of his or her mystic powers that can be used against others. ‘You do not fear this child, man, or woman; you can insult them or disrespect them, but (you must be careful) to not insult or offend this little ‘god’ this person represents.’ If the rock is offended, one must go to the rock, not the person named rock, to ask forgiveness.

“In Baoule culture, the person named ‘rock’ is usually known as someone having a difficult personality. The following advice was given by an old man: ‘Never name one of your sons ‘rock.’ Rocks are hard. If you make the mistake of naming one of your sons ‘rock,’ he will have a difficult personality, hard like a stone.’ 30 When a certain pastor with this name committed suicide, people surmised that: ‘He died because his name was Yobus. Demons took advantage of a moment of spiritual weakness… and led him to commit suicide.’ A village with the name Yobuekro (‘village of stone’) is considered by some to be cursed because of its name. Following its founding, this town never grew and its inhabitants eventually abandoned it.

“In other cultures, ‘rock’ may be part of a name acquired after birth, imposed by others, or assumed by the person himself. Thus, in Worodougou, a Mande language spoken in Cote d’lvoire, some young people call themselves Gbofia, kawa nyanjunghun, ‘the rock, the wrong side of a stone,’ evoking their dependability and hard work. Nothing (no hard task) scares them, so their presence is reassuring.

“In many cultures, rocks are used figuratively to refer to problems that are difficult to solve or to people who exhibit certain personality traits. In Mwan, comparing people to a rock means that they are hardhearted, resistant towards others. Such people are difficult, refusing to forgive or to let others have their way. In Kikongo, a rock may refer in a figurative sense to an obstacle and problem that is difficult to resolve. Thus it is reported that a big witch gave himself the name ‘Scratch the rock,’ meaning that he is invincible and has great spiritual power. Anyone who ‘scratches the rock’ (attacks him) will be in great trouble. In a Christian song in Baoule, believers sing, ‘The big rocks, Jesus uprooted them.’ According to one person, this means that Jesus has driven out strong demons, 35 but it is also possible that it means Jesus has destroyed fetish worship or idolatry.

“In light of these observations, it is clear translators in African contexts are faced with an important question: Can the word ‘rock’ be used in a metaphorical sense to refer to Yahweh, for example, in the verses cited above? Several pastors, especially of Baoule origin, have responded with a firm ‘No!’ One pastor commented ‘The Baoules have a little god (represented by the rock), but this little god is definitely NOT the all-powerful God, Creator.’ Indeed, in the Baoule Bible published in 1998, the ‘rock’ metaphor referring to God seems to have been purposely avoided in the book of Psalms. When the word ‘rock’ occurs referring to God, translators have consistently translated ‘God on whom I lean,’ as in the rendering of Psalm 73:26: ‘the one on whom I lean, it’s you.’

“In Doyayo (Cameroon), a translator notes, ‘it would be hard to understand Rock as a symbol of security and use it to refer to God.’ The translator suggests the possibility of replacing one metaphor by another, using a functional equivalent, soolkolunyo, ‘stick of traveler,’ i.e., ‘walking stick,’ also called affectionately ‘my companion in all circumstances.’ The walking stick is a very strong symbol in Doyayo culture, used in times of danger, for example, when crossing a flooded river, or when warding off an attack. This proposal has not yet been tried out, but it seems a possible solution to a rather complex translation problem in this language.

“Even in cultures where there is a direct link between the rock and traditional African worship, however, some Christians would favor trying to retain this biblical image, introducing it as a new metaphor or ‘reorienting’ a current one. For some Baoule theologians, for example, along with all its other seemingly negative connotations, the rock can be seen as a symbol of solidity and immovability. Thus, it could represent strength and resistance, or someone with an unchangeable nature. One Baoule pastor quoted the idiomatic expression ‘be strong like a rock’ (…). Thus, some suggest it is possible to say in Baoule ‘God is my strong rock’ in a Christian context, despite its negative connotations in a non-Christian one.

“One translator in Dzùùngoo, a Mande language spoken in Burkina Faso, notes that while ‘rock’ refers to a place of (bloody) sacrifice, the word does have positive connotations in everyday life, as a grinding stone for flour, as a foundation of a house, etc. He thus proposes it might be possible to use the word ‘rock’ to refer to God, perhaps with a footnote or a note in the glossary to explain that worship of good and evil spirits is not intended.

“Despite its ‘fetish’ origins, some speakers seem to be able to ‘look beyond’ and transfer the already figurative meaning of ‘rock’ in their culture to another element, namely the unique and all- powerful God. They are willing to widen their worldview and transfer the positive traits of the traditional ‘rock’ or ‘god’ to the unique Divinity. Such a viewpoint may be motivated by a desire to remain faithful to the Scriptural text, but also by the desire to allow readers access to the biblical metaphors as they occur in the Hebrew text. Such ‘intrusions’ into or changes in the semantic make-up of a given word and concept are very common linguistically speaking: semantic ‘extensions’ or changes of meaning in words of all types are everyday occurrences in languages around the world. But it is clear, if Bible translators take such as a step, for example, concerning the rendering of a highly ‘explosive’ word like ‘rock,’ they will inevitably set in motion a semantic change in their own mother tongue, a change which, given the written nature of the Scriptures, will probably remain in effect for generations.

“In some languages in Africa, a literal rendering of ‘rock’ does not seem to pose a problem. In Guro, for example, proverbs, songs, and names provide evidence that the notion ‘rock’ carries semantic traits that fit the biblical use: strength, resistance, security, and permanence. Thus, a Guro proverb says, ‘An elephant will always see you, unless you are behind a rock.’ (…)

“As mentioned above, it remains to be seen which exact semantic trait is in view in each case of the appearance of the word ‘rock’ in the Psalms or in its other occurrences in the Bible. When it co-occurs with words like ‘refuge,’ it seems to indicate a place to hide; but in other contexts, it may carry the meaning of stability.

“In some African languages, hardness is equal to strength. Thus in Yocoboué Dida, Godié and Guiberoua Béte, Kru languages spoken in Cote d’lvoire, instead of calling God a ‘strong’ or ‘hard rock,’ it may be better to call him directly ‘strength,’ though this removes the rock metaphor, one of the important praise names for God in the Psalms. Despite the mismatch between the biblical ‘rock’ (the Lord), and ‘rock’ in many African languages, the idiomatic expression ‘having one’s feet on a rock,’ does seem to be an effective metaphor, posing no problem in translation. In Worodougou, for example, a similar metaphor appears in a woman’s song, where a woman praises her husband as a source of strength in adversity:

“A big wind comes, my hand grabs a strong tree, A big wind comes, my feet are on a hard rock.

“Thus, despite the possibility of ‘mismatch,’ there are many cases where the notion of ‘God as rock’ will communicate effectively. This study underlines, however, the need for translators to consider not only the semantic component of key terms in their biblical contexts, but also to remain vigilant and to anticipate potential misunderstandings due to cultural backdrop. Though it is hard to imagine a Bible in Africa without the powerful metaphor and strong image, ‘God, my rock,’ in some cultures and languages, this may indeed be a necessary choice. Referring to the All Powerful Yahweh as ‘my rock,’ may confuse readers and immediately evoke the worship of spirits rather than God!”

See also Peter – rock.

complete verse (Psalm 31:3)

Following are a number of back-translations as well as a sample translation for translators of Psalm 31:3:

  • Chichewa Contempary Chichewa translation, 2002/2016:
    “For you are my rock and my fortress,
    because of your name lead me and guide me.” (Source: Mawu a Mulungu mu Chichewa Chalero Back Translation)
  • Newari:
    “You are the one who is my rock and fortress.
    So, for the sake of Your name, please show me the way.” (Source: Newari Back Translation)
  • Hiligaynon:
    “Because you (sing.) (are) my place-of-refuge rock/stone and strong hiding-place,
    guide and lead me so-that you (sing.) will-be-honored.” (Source: Hiligaynon Back Translation)
  • Eastern Bru:
    “Because you have become a refuge for me, and a place for protecting me, I therefore request you lead me as you have already promised.” (Source: Bru Back Translation)
  • Laarim:
    “Because you are my mountain where I hide,
    lead me and protect me, because of your names.” (Source: Laarim Back Translation)
  • Nyakyusa-Ngonde (back-translation into Swahili):
    “Kweli wewe uko mwamba wangu,
    tena ngome yangu.
    Kwa sababu ya jina lako uniongoze,
    na kunisimamia.” (Source: Nyakyusa Back Translation)
  • English:
    “Yes, you are like my huge rock and my fort;
    guide me and lead me in order that I can honor you.” (Source: Translation for Translators)

name (of God) (Japanese honorifics)

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Like a number of other East Asian languages, Japanese uses a complex system of honorifics, i.e. a system where a number of different levels of politeness are expressed in language via words, word forms or grammatical constructs. These can range from addressing someone or referring to someone with contempt (very informal) to expressing the highest level of reference (as used in addressing or referring to God) or any number of levels in-between.

One way to do this is through the usage (or a lack) of an honorific prefix as shown here in the widely-used Japanese Shinkaiyaku (新改訳) Bible of 2017. When the referent is God, the “divine” honorific prefix mi- (御 or み) can be used, as in mi-na (御名) or “name (of God)” in the referenced verses.

(Source: S. E. Doi, see also S. E. Doi in Journal of Translation, 18/2022, p. 37ff. )

Japanese benefactives (tomonatte)

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Like a number of other East Asian languages, Japanese uses a complex system of honorifics, i.e. a system where a number of different levels of politeness are expressed in language via words, word forms or grammatical constructs. These can range from addressing someone or referring to someone with contempt (very informal) to expressing the highest level of reference (as used in addressing or referring to God) or any number of levels in-between. One way Japanese shows different degree of politeness is through the choice of a benefactive construction as shown here in the widely-used Japanese Shinkaiyaku (新改訳) Bible of 2017.

Here, tomonatte (伴って) or “accompany” is used in combination with kudasaru (くださる), a respectful form of the benefactive kureru (くれる). A benefactive reflects the good will of the giver or the gratitude of a recipient of the favor. To convey this connotation, English translation needs to employ a phrase such as “for me (my sake)” or “for you (your sake).” (Source: S. E. Doi, see also S. E. Doi in Journal of Translation, 18/2022, p. 37ff. )

Translation commentary on Psalm 31:3 - 31:4

In verse 3 the word for fortress is the same as in verse 2; rock is here a different one from the one in verse 2, but it has the same meaning (it is also used in 18.2).

For thy name’s sake: see discussion at 23.3.

The two verbs lead me and guide me are used in 23.2, 3; here the two forms in Hebrew make for a pleasant alliteration: taneheni and tanahaleni.

For the phrase in verse 4 “to hide a net,” see the comments at 9.15. The expression take me out of the net gives the impression that the psalmist is already caught. However, see Good News Translation. The intention is that the writer asks to be spared from being caught in the trap. In some languages this can best be expressed, for example, “Don’t let me pass where my enemies have laid their traps” or “Guide me away from the hidden traps of my enemies.”

Refuge is the same word used in verse 2 “(a rock) of refuge.” The translator should follow Revised Standard Version in the last line, translating it as a statement, and not as a petition as in Good News Translation.

Quoted with permission from Bratcher, Robert G. and Reyburn, William D. A Handbook on the Book of Psalms. (UBS Helps for Translators). New York: UBS, 1991. For this and other handbooks for translators see here .

Psalm 31 as classical Chinese poetry

John Wu Ching-hsiung (1899-1986) was a native of Ningbo, Zhejiang, a renowned jurist who studied in Europe and the United States, and served as a professor of law at Soochow University, as a judge and the Acting President of the Shanghai Provisional Court, and as the Vice President of the Commission for the Drafting of the Constitution of the Republic of China, before becoming the Minister of the Republic of China to the Holy See. Wu has written extensively, not only on law but also on Chinese philosophy, and has also written his autobiography, Beyond East and West, in English. Wu was a devout Catholic and had a personal relationship with Chiang Kai-shek (1887-1975). Wu began translating the the Psalms in 1938, and was encouraged by Chiang to translate the entire New Testament, which he corrected in his own handwriting. (…) John Wu Ching-hsiung’s translation of the Psalms (first draft in 1946, revised in 1975) was translated into Literary Chinese in the form of poetic rhyme, with attention paid to the style of writing. According to the content and mood of the different chapters of the original psalm, Wu chose Chinese poetic forms such as tetrameter, pentameter, heptameter [4, 5 or 7 syllables/Chinese characters per stanza], and the [less formal] Sao style, and sometimes more than two poetic forms were used in a single poem. (Source: Simon Wong)

John Wu Ching-hsiung himself talks about his celebrated and much-admired (though difficult-to-understand) translation in his aforementioned autobiography: (Click or tap here to see)

“Nothing could have been farther from my mind than to translate the Bible or any parts of it with a view to publishing it as an authorized version. I had rendered some of the Psalms into Chinese verse, but that was done as a part of my private devotion and as a literary hobby. When I was in Hongkong in 1938, I had come to know Madame H. H. Kung [Soong Ai-ling], and as she was deeply interested in the Bible, I gave her about a dozen pieces of my amateurish work just for her own enjoyment. What was my surprise when, the next time I saw her, she told me, “My sister [Soong Mei-ling] has written to say that the Generalissimo [Chiang Kai-shek] likes your translation of the Psalms very much, especially the first, the fifteenth, and the twenty-third, the Psalm of the Good Shepherd!”

“In the Autumn of 1940, when I was in Chungking, the Generalissimo invited me several times to lunch with him and expressed his appreciation of the few pieces that he had read. So I sent him some more. A few days later I received a letter from Madame Chiang [Soong Mei-ling], dated September 21, 1940, in which she said that they both liked my translation of the few Psalms I had sent them. ‘For many years,’ she wrote, ‘the Generalissimo has been wanting to have a really adequate and readable Wen-li (literary) translation of the Bible. He has never been able to find anyone who could undertake the matter.’ The letter ends up by saying that I should take up the job and that ‘the Generalissimo would gladly finance the undertaking of this work.’

“After some preliminary study of the commentaries, I started my work with the Psalms on January 6, 1943, the Feast of the Epiphany.

“I had three thousand years of Chinese literature to draw upon. The Chinese vocabulary for describing the beauties of nature is so rich that I seldom failed to find a word, a phrase, and sometimes even a whole line to fit the scene. But what makes such Psalms so unique is that they bring an intimate knowledge of the Creator to bear upon a loving observation of things of nature. I think one of the reasons why my translation is so well received by the Chinese scholars is that I have made the Psalms read like native poems written by a Chinese, who happens to be a Christian. Thus to my countrymen they are at once familiar and new — not so familiar as to be jejune, and not so new as to be bizarre. I did not publish it as a literal translation, but only as a paraphrase.

“To my greatest surprise, [my translation of the Psalms] sold like hot dogs. The popularity of that work was beyond my fondest dreams. Numberless papers and periodicals, irrespective of religion, published reviews too good to be true. I was very much tickled when I saw the opening verse of the first Psalm used as a headline on the front page of one of the non-religious dailies.”

A contemporary researcher (Lindblom 2021) mentions this about Wu’s translation: “Wu created a unique and personal work of sacred art that bears the imprint of his own admitted love and devotion, a landmark achievement comparable to Antoni Gaudi’s Basilica of the Sagrada Família in Barcelona, Spain. Although its use is still somewhat limited today, it continues to attract readers for the aforementioned qualities, and continues to be used in prayers and music by those who desire beauty and an authentic Chinese-sounding text that draws from China’s ancient traditions.”

The translation of Psalm 31 from the 1946 edition is in pentameter and the rhyme schemes are -u and -en (the 1946 edition did not have verse numbers either):

無窮之望

主乃我所恃。莫教我向隅。願主昭大信。 營救莫躊躇。願主作磐石。俾我無憂虞。 願主為安宅。俾我得常居。既是我保障。且為令名故。 應賜我指引。脫我於網罟。 敬將吾靈魂。托付於爾手。至誠惟吾主。已將我拯救。 迷惑邪妄者。為我所深惡。眞神豈有他。我惟爾是怙。 爾知我艱辛。爾識我心苦。雖苦亦自甘。悅懌爾仁恕。 昔曾承主恩。綽綽有餘裕。何曾將吾身。委為敵人俎。 今日復罹難。求主申舊恩。鬱悒腸欲斷。憂苦目已昏。 愁煎生意枯。悲嘆歲月新。精力日以衰。罪多氣消沈。 蒙辱因敵眾。無顏見比鄰。相知競迴避。有如眼中釘。 雖存已若亡。棄置如舊瓶。 所聞惟讒謗。恐怖充塵氛。群奸相聚議。欲害吾孑身。 伶仃惟恃主。惟主是吾神。 禍福托主手。脫我於仇人。 願爾開慈顏。照護爾微臣。 莫令我觖望。應使彼吞聲。惡計既受挫。默默歸幽冥。 截彼誇誕舌。緘彼誑訛唇。庶幾傲慢子。不復誣精誠。 樂哉諸君子。事主尊且親。主有無窮福。特為爾貯存。肉眼未曾見。俗耳未曾聞。 雍雍卵翼下。熙熙承煦溫。毒計無從害。讒舌不得侵。群小見擯絕。爾為入幕賓。 偉哉造物主。待我恩何深。捍衛無不至。置我於堅城。 情急方寸亂。遽出怨主聲。主實未棄我。心期蒙玉成。 告爾諸虔信。愛主務加勤。忠貞承拔擢。驕暴被嚴懲。 願凡恃主者。養勇壯其心。

Transcription into Roman alphabet with the rhyme scheme highlighted:

wú qióng zhī wàng

zhǔ nǎi wǒ suǒ shì 。 mò jiào wǒ xiàng 。 yuàn zhǔ zhāo dà xìn 。 yíng jiù mò chóu chú 。 yuàn zhǔ zuò pán shí 。 bǐ wǒ wú yōu 。 yuàn zhǔ wéi ān zhái 。 bǐ wǒ dé cháng 。 jì shì wǒ bǎo zhàng 。 qiě wéi líng míng 。 yīng cì wǒ zhǐ yǐn 。 tuō wǒ yú wǎng 。 jìng jiāng wú líng hún 。 tuō fù yú ěr shǒu 。 zhì chéng wéi wú zhǔ 。 yǐ jiāng wǒ zhěng jiù 。 mí huò xié wàng zhě 。 wéi wǒ suǒ shēn è 。 zhēn shén qǐ yǒu tā 。 wǒ wéi ěr shì 。 ěr zhī wǒ jiān xīn 。 ěr shí wǒ xīn 。 suī kǔ yì zì gān 。 yuè yì ěr rén shù 。 xī zēng chéng zhǔ ēn 。 chuò chuò yǒu yú 。 hé zēng jiāng wú shēn 。 wěi wéi dí rén 。 jīn rì fù lí nán 。 qiú zhǔ shēn jiù ēn 。 yù yì cháng yù duàn 。 yōu kǔ mù yǐ hūn 。 chóu jiān shēng yì kū 。 bēi tàn suì yuè xīn 。 jīng lì rì yǐ shuāi 。 zuì duō qì xiāo shěn 。 mēng rǔ yīn dí zhòng 。 wú yán jiàn bǐ lín 。 xiāng zhī jìng huí bì 。 yǒu rú yǎn zhōng dīng 。 suī cún yǐ ruò wáng 。 qì zhì rú jiù píng 。 suǒ wén wéi chán bàng 。 kǒng bù chōng chén fēn 。 qún jiān xiāng jù yì 。 yù hài wú jié shēn 。 líng dīng wéi shì zhǔ 。 wéi zhǔ shì wú shén 。 huò fú tuō zhǔ shǒu 。 tuō wǒ yú chóu rén 。 yuàn ěr kāi cí yán 。 zhào hù ěr wēi chén 。 mò líng wǒ jué wàng 。 yīng shǐ bǐ tūn shēng 。 è jì jì shòu cuò 。 mò mò guī yōu míng 。 jié bǐ kuā dàn shé 。 jiān bǐ kuáng é chún 。 shù jī ào màn zǐ 。 bù fù wū jīng chéng 。 lè zāi zhū jūn zǐ 。 shì zhǔ zūn qiě qīn 。 zhǔ yǒu wú qióng fú 。 tè wéi ěr zhù cún 。 ròu yǎn wèi zēng jiàn 。 sú ěr wèi zēng wén 。 yōng yōng luǎn yì xià 。 xī xī chéng xù wēn 。 dú jì wú cóng hài 。 chán shé bù dé qīn 。 qún xiǎo jiàn bìn jué 。 ěr wéi rù mù bīn 。 wěi zāi zào wù zhǔ 。 dài wǒ ēn hé shēn 。 hàn wèi wú bù zhì 。 zhì wǒ yú jiān chéng 。 qíng jí fāng cùn luàn 。 jù chū yuàn zhǔ shēng 。 zhǔ shí wèi qì wǒ 。 xīn qī mēng yù chéng 。 gào ěr zhū qián xìn 。 ài zhǔ wù jiā qín 。 zhōng zhēn chéng bá zhuó 。 jiāo bào bèi yán chěng 。 yuàn fán shì zhǔ zhě 。 yǎng yǒng zhuàng qí xīn

With thanks to Simon Wong.