2nd person singular pronoun in Psalms in Garifuna

In Garifuna the second person singular pronoun (“you” in English) has two forms. One is used in women’s speech and one in men’s speech. In the Garifuna Bible the form used in men’s speech is typically used, except when it’s clear that a woman is quoted or in Psalms where the women on the translation team insisted that the form used in women’s speech (buguya) would be used throughout the whole book.

Ronald Ross (in Omanson 2001, p. 375f.) tells the story: “Throughout most of the translation, [the distinctions between the different forms of the pronouns] presented no problem. Whenever the speaker in the text was perceived as a man, the male speech forms were used; and when a woman was speaking, the female speech forms were used. True, the women members of the translation team did object on occasion to the use of the male forms when the author (and narrator) of a book was unknown and the men translators had used the male speech forms as the default. Serious discord arose, however, during the translation of the Psalms because of their highly devotional nature and because throughout the book the psalmist is addressing God. The male translators had, predictably, used the male form to address God, and the male form to refer to the psalmist, even though women speakers of Garifuna never use those forms to address anyone. The women contended that they could not as women read the Psalms meaningfully if God and the psalmist were always addressed as if the readers were men. The men, of course, turned the argument around, claiming that neither could they read the Psalms comfortably if the reader was assumed to be a woman.

“Initially there seemed to be no way out of this impasse. However a solution was found in the ongoing evolution of the language. There is a strong propensity for male speech and female speech to merge in favor of the latter, so the few remaining male forms are gradually dying out. Moreover, male children learn female speech from their mothers and only shift to the male speech forms when they reach adolescence to avoid sounding effeminate. However they use the female form buguya when addressing their parents throughout life. So the women wielded two arguments: First, the general development of the language favored the increasing use of the female forms. Secondly, the female forms are less strange to the men than the male forms are to the women, because the men habitually use them during early childhood and continue to use them to address their parents even in adulthood. Therefore, the female pronominal forms prevailed and were adopted throughout the book of Psalms, though the male forms remained the default forms in the rest of the translation.”

See also female first person singular pronoun in Psalms and addressing God.

rock

The Hebrew that is translated as “rock” in English is translated in the Chichewa as thanthwe. “Thanthwe” normally is a big stone that spreads over a large area either visible or lying underneath and cannot be lifted or moved. In Chewa religious context, “thanthwe” was a sacred rock which people believed to be the place of worship. This place was safe because it was associated with the presence of the Supreme Being. (Source: Mawu a Mulungu mu Chichewa Chalero Back Translation)

Lynell Zogbo (in Review and Expositor 2011, p. 279ff.) explains some of the issues with the translation of “rock” in other African languages:

“Despite the interesting points of similarity between African and biblical worldviews, genres, and linguistic structures, there remains a significant number of ‘mismatches.’ One interesting problem concerns the metaphorical expression, ‘rock,’ often used in cries for help to Yahweh or affirmations of trust in him, which are so prominent in the first and second books of Psalms; as well as in certain prophetic passages. While exegetes do not agree about the major semantic traits being emphasized (do they express protection, stability, or God’s unchangeable nature?), all do agree that the metaphor designating the Divinity carries strong positive connotations within a context of adversity or conflict.

“Throughout Africa, however, the notion of ‘rock’ often has very different connotations, and they are not always positive.

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“Across the continent, and more specifically in West Africa, large out-jutting rocks are, along with certain large trees and rivers, considered sacred. ‘Genies’ (good and evil spirits) dwell in these locations, where they are invoked and where they receive blood sacrifices. Prayers are offered for riches, happiness, success, fertility, security, etc. Thus, it is not unusual in various regions to see a large grouping of rocks stained with blood, with a smattering of chicken feathers, and other unusual markings – i.e., pure white cotton strips tied around the rocks themselves.

“Prayers offered at ‘the rock’ are often for protection, whether the dangers being invoked are spiritual or material. For example, in Niger, Zarma fishermen (of the Sorko cast) offer sacrifices on rocks jutting out of the river to protect them from dangerous hippos or alligators.

“Given the sacredness of these locations, in some cultures, only certain members of society may be allowed in their vicinity. For example, in Angola these rocks are not visited ‘by just anyone’: they are ‘mysterious.’ Likewise, in parts of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), these dwelling places of spirits are not accessible to all, but rather only to the initiated or older members of the community. In other cultures, however, stone outcroppings may be a major meeting place, playing a major role in community life, being the place of regular and/or annual sacrifices.

“In the Baoule culture (Cote d’lvoire), the ‘rock’ plays a central role in traditional worship. The word ‘rock’ evokes immediately in all speakers uprooted or displaced. It serves as a spiritual intermediary and a protector. Often this rock is situated near a source of water, facilitating animal sacrifice, which may include chickens, sheep or even a cow or bull, usually on a yearly basis. This rock is also where important alliances are sealed, in the presence of (and by invoking) the spirits. The place is to be the notion of a ‘god,’ as well as a place where one goes to ask for protection from danger. The Baoule expression ‘Let’s go to the rock’ means ‘Let’s go worship/sacrifice’ (to ancestors and/or genies, not God). The rock (yebue or yɔgbuɛ) is in fact considered ‘a little god,’ which is fixed hard, lasting through time, not able to be kept pure at all times, and while all may go to the rock, a number of strict rules protect its sacredness: menstruating women may not go to the rock, ‘normal’ non-sacrificed food may not be eaten there, and pregnant women cannot visit this location on given days (Wednesdays and Fridays!). Finally, it is not permitted to speak evil of this ‘god.’ In some cultures, rocks are associated with important historic events. For example, in one location in DRC, a specific rock is known as the first place a white explorer arrived. It is reported that genies appear regularly at this rock, sometimes in the form of a man, and sometimes as a woman with three breasts. In recent times during the war, genies are said to have appeared at this rock to prevent rebels from attacking a nearby village. These rocks, associated with important ancestors and actors in history have become important places of worship.

“Attitudes towards the ‘rock’ vary from one culture to another and from one language to another. While in some cultures (Doyayo, Cameroon), the rock evokes fear, in others, some speakers say the word ‘rock’ evokes a powerful divinity who answers prayer. In Toussian culture (Gur, Burkina Faso), bits of the larger rock are broken off and taken home from the sacrifice place and hidden in houses, where they will be venerated by future generations.

“In some cultures, the name ‘rock’ may be given to children when they are born. Among the Baoules, for example, a child may be named Yobus or Ysbue. This person may be so named because of the relationship between a particular family and the rock, and the person named ‘rock’ may then ‘represent for his family a force of spiritual importance.’ The person may be feared because of his or her mystic powers that can be used against others. ‘You do not fear this child, man, or woman; you can insult them or disrespect them, but (you must be careful) to not insult or offend this little ‘god’ this person represents.’ If the rock is offended, one must go to the rock, not the person named rock, to ask forgiveness.

“In Baoule culture, the person named ‘rock’ is usually known as someone having a difficult personality. The following advice was given by an old man: ‘Never name one of your sons ‘rock.’ Rocks are hard. If you make the mistake of naming one of your sons ‘rock,’ he will have a difficult personality, hard like a stone.’ 30 When a certain pastor with this name committed suicide, people surmised that: ‘He died because his name was Yobus. Demons took advantage of a moment of spiritual weakness… and led him to commit suicide.’ A village with the name Yobuekro (‘village of stone’) is considered by some to be cursed because of its name. Following its founding, this town never grew and its inhabitants eventually abandoned it.

“In other cultures, ‘rock’ may be part of a name acquired after birth, imposed by others, or assumed by the person himself. Thus, in Worodougou, a Mande language spoken in Cote d’lvoire, some young people call themselves Gbofia, kawa nyanjunghun, ‘the rock, the wrong side of a stone,’ evoking their dependability and hard work. Nothing (no hard task) scares them, so their presence is reassuring.

“In many cultures, rocks are used figuratively to refer to problems that are difficult to solve or to people who exhibit certain personality traits. In Mwan, comparing people to a rock means that they are hardhearted, resistant towards others. Such people are difficult, refusing to forgive or to let others have their way. In Kikongo, a rock may refer in a figurative sense to an obstacle and problem that is difficult to resolve. Thus it is reported that a big witch gave himself the name ‘Scratch the rock,’ meaning that he is invincible and has great spiritual power. Anyone who ‘scratches the rock’ (attacks him) will be in great trouble. In a Christian song in Baoule, believers sing, ‘The big rocks, Jesus uprooted them.’ According to one person, this means that Jesus has driven out strong demons, 35 but it is also possible that it means Jesus has destroyed fetish worship or idolatry.

“In light of these observations, it is clear translators in African contexts are faced with an important question: Can the word ‘rock’ be used in a metaphorical sense to refer to Yahweh, for example, in the verses cited above? Several pastors, especially of Baoule origin, have responded with a firm ‘No!’ One pastor commented ‘The Baoules have a little god (represented by the rock), but this little god is definitely NOT the all-powerful God, Creator.’ Indeed, in the Baoule Bible published in 1998, the ‘rock’ metaphor referring to God seems to have been purposely avoided in the book of Psalms. When the word ‘rock’ occurs referring to God, translators have consistently translated ‘God on whom I lean,’ as in the rendering of Psalm 73:26: ‘the one on whom I lean, it’s you.’

“In Doyayo (Cameroon), a translator notes, ‘it would be hard to understand Rock as a symbol of security and use it to refer to God.’ The translator suggests the possibility of replacing one metaphor by another, using a functional equivalent, soolkolunyo, ‘stick of traveler,’ i.e., ‘walking stick,’ also called affectionately ‘my companion in all circumstances.’ The walking stick is a very strong symbol in Doyayo culture, used in times of danger, for example, when crossing a flooded river, or when warding off an attack. This proposal has not yet been tried out, but it seems a possible solution to a rather complex translation problem in this language.

“Even in cultures where there is a direct link between the rock and traditional African worship, however, some Christians would favor trying to retain this biblical image, introducing it as a new metaphor or ‘reorienting’ a current one. For some Baoule theologians, for example, along with all its other seemingly negative connotations, the rock can be seen as a symbol of solidity and immovability. Thus, it could represent strength and resistance, or someone with an unchangeable nature. One Baoule pastor quoted the idiomatic expression ‘be strong like a rock’ (…). Thus, some suggest it is possible to say in Baoule ‘God is my strong rock’ in a Christian context, despite its negative connotations in a non-Christian one.

“One translator in Dzùùngoo, a Mande language spoken in Burkina Faso, notes that while ‘rock’ refers to a place of (bloody) sacrifice, the word does have positive connotations in everyday life, as a grinding stone for flour, as a foundation of a house, etc. He thus proposes it might be possible to use the word ‘rock’ to refer to God, perhaps with a footnote or a note in the glossary to explain that worship of good and evil spirits is not intended.

“Despite its ‘fetish’ origins, some speakers seem to be able to ‘look beyond’ and transfer the already figurative meaning of ‘rock’ in their culture to another element, namely the unique and all- powerful God. They are willing to widen their worldview and transfer the positive traits of the traditional ‘rock’ or ‘god’ to the unique Divinity. Such a viewpoint may be motivated by a desire to remain faithful to the Scriptural text, but also by the desire to allow readers access to the biblical metaphors as they occur in the Hebrew text. Such ‘intrusions’ into or changes in the semantic make-up of a given word and concept are very common linguistically speaking: semantic ‘extensions’ or changes of meaning in words of all types are everyday occurrences in languages around the world. But it is clear, if Bible translators take such as a step, for example, concerning the rendering of a highly ‘explosive’ word like ‘rock,’ they will inevitably set in motion a semantic change in their own mother tongue, a change which, given the written nature of the Scriptures, will probably remain in effect for generations.

“In some languages in Africa, a literal rendering of ‘rock’ does not seem to pose a problem. In Guro, for example, proverbs, songs, and names provide evidence that the notion ‘rock’ carries semantic traits that fit the biblical use: strength, resistance, security, and permanence. Thus, a Guro proverb says, ‘An elephant will always see you, unless you are behind a rock.’ (…)

“As mentioned above, it remains to be seen which exact semantic trait is in view in each case of the appearance of the word ‘rock’ in the Psalms or in its other occurrences in the Bible. When it co-occurs with words like ‘refuge,’ it seems to indicate a place to hide; but in other contexts, it may carry the meaning of stability.

“In some African languages, hardness is equal to strength. Thus in Yocoboué Dida, Godié and Guiberoua Béte, Kru languages spoken in Cote d’lvoire, instead of calling God a ‘strong’ or ‘hard rock,’ it may be better to call him directly ‘strength,’ though this removes the rock metaphor, one of the important praise names for God in the Psalms. Despite the mismatch between the biblical ‘rock’ (the Lord), and ‘rock’ in many African languages, the idiomatic expression ‘having one’s feet on a rock,’ does seem to be an effective metaphor, posing no problem in translation. In Worodougou, for example, a similar metaphor appears in a woman’s song, where a woman praises her husband as a source of strength in adversity:

“A big wind comes, my hand grabs a strong tree, A big wind comes, my feet are on a hard rock.

“Thus, despite the possibility of ‘mismatch,’ there are many cases where the notion of ‘God as rock’ will communicate effectively. This study underlines, however, the need for translators to consider not only the semantic component of key terms in their biblical contexts, but also to remain vigilant and to anticipate potential misunderstandings due to cultural backdrop. Though it is hard to imagine a Bible in Africa without the powerful metaphor and strong image, ‘God, my rock,’ in some cultures and languages, this may indeed be a necessary choice. Referring to the All Powerful Yahweh as ‘my rock,’ may confuse readers and immediately evoke the worship of spirits rather than God!”

See also Peter – rock.

complete verse (Psalm 31:3)

Following are a number of back-translations as well as a sample translation for translators of Psalm 31:3:

  • Chichewa Contempary Chichewa translation, 2002/2016:
    “For you are my rock and my fortress,
    because of your name lead me and guide me.” (Source: Mawu a Mulungu mu Chichewa Chalero Back Translation)
  • Newari:
    “You are the one who is my rock and fortress.
    So, for the sake of Your name, please show me the way.” (Source: Newari Back Translation)
  • Hiligaynon:
    “Because you (sing.) (are) my place-of-refuge rock/stone and strong hiding-place,
    guide and lead me so-that you (sing.) will-be-honored.” (Source: Hiligaynon Back Translation)
  • Eastern Bru:
    “Because you have become a refuge for me, and a place for protecting me, I therefore request you lead me as you have already promised.” (Source: Bru Back Translation)
  • Laarim:
    “Because you are my mountain where I hide,
    lead me and protect me, because of your names.” (Source: Laarim Back Translation)
  • Nyakyusa-Ngonde (back-translation into Swahili):
    “Kweli wewe uko mwamba wangu,
    tena ngome yangu.
    Kwa sababu ya jina lako uniongoze,
    na kunisimamia.” (Source: Nyakyusa Back Translation)
  • English:
    “Yes, you are like my huge rock and my fort;
    guide me and lead me in order that I can honor you.” (Source: Translation for Translators)

addressing God

Translators of different languages have found different ways with what kind of formality God is addressed.

Like many languages (but unlike Greek or Hebrew or modern English), Tuvan uses a formal vs. informal 2nd person pronoun (a familiar vs. a respectful “you”). Unlike other languages that have this feature, however, the translators of the Tuvan Bible have attempted to be very consistent in using the different forms of address in every case a 2nd person pronoun has to be used in the translation of the biblical text.

As Voinov shows in Pronominal Theology in Translating the Gospels (in: The Bible Translator 2002, p. 210ff. ), the choice to use either of the pronouns many times involved theological judgment. While the formal pronoun can signal personal distance or a social/power distance between the speaker and addressee, the informal pronoun can indicate familiarity or social/power equality between speaker and addressee.

In these verses, in which humans address God, the informal, familiar pronoun is used that communicates closeness.

Voinov notes that “in the Tuvan Bible, God is only addressed with the informal pronoun. No exceptions. An interesting thing about this is that I’ve heard new Tuvan believers praying with the formal form to God until they are corrected by other Christians who tell them that God is close to us so we should address him with the informal pronoun. As a result, the informal pronoun is the only one that is used in praying to God among the Tuvan church.”

In Gbaya, “a superior, whether father, uncle, or older brother, mother, aunt, or older sister, president, governor, or chief, is never addressed in the singular unless the speaker intends a deliberate insult. When addressing the superior face to face, the second person plural pronoun ɛ́nɛ́ or ‘you (pl.)’ is used, similar to the French usage of vous.

Accordingly, the translators of the current version of the Gbaya Bible chose to use the plural ɛ́nɛ́ to address God. There are a few exceptions. In Psalms 86:8, 97:9, and 138:1, God is addressed alongside other “gods,” and here the third person pronoun o is used to avoid confusion about who is being addressed. In several New Testament passages (Matthew 21:23, 26:68, 27:40, Mark 11:28, Luke 20:2, 23:37, as well as in Jesus’ interaction with Pilate and Jesus’ interaction with the Samaritan woman at the well) the less courteous form for Jesus is used to indicate ignorance of his position or mocking.” (Source Philip Noss)

In the most recent Manchu translation of 1835 (a revision of an earlier edition from 1822), God is never addressed with a pronoun but with “father” (ama /ᠠᠮᠠ) instead. Chengcheng Liu (in this post on the Cambridge Centre for Chinese Theology blog ) explains: “In Manchu tradition, as in Chinese etiquette, second-person pronouns could be considered disrespectful when speaking to superiors or spiritual beings. Manchu Shamanist prayers avoided si [‘you’] and sini [‘your’] for this very reason. To use them for God would be, in Lipovzoff’s [one of the two translators] words, ‘the most uncouth and indecent way to speak to the Almighty — as if He were a servant or slave.’ There was also a grammatical problem. In Manchu, si and sini could refer to both singular and plural subjects. For a faith that insisted on the singularity of God, this was potentially confusing. By contrast, repeating ama removed any ambiguity.”

In Dutch, Afrikaans, Gronings, and Western Frisian translations, God is always addressed with the formal pronoun.

See also formal pronoun: disciples addressing Jesus, female second person singular pronoun in Psalms.

name (of God) (Japanese honorifics)

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Like a number of other East Asian languages, Japanese uses a complex system of honorifics, i.e. a system where a number of different levels of politeness are expressed in language via words, word forms or grammatical constructs. These can range from addressing someone or referring to someone with contempt (very informal) to expressing the highest level of reference (as used in addressing or referring to God) or any number of levels in-between.

One way to do this is through the usage (or a lack) of an honorific prefix as shown here in the widely-used Japanese Shinkaiyaku (新改訳) Bible of 2017. When the referent is God, the “divine” honorific prefix mi- (御 or み) can be used, as in mi-na (御名) or “name (of God)” in the referenced verses.

(Source: S. E. Doi, see also S. E. Doi in Journal of Translation, 18/2022, p. 37ff. )

Japanese benefactives (tomonatte)

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Like a number of other East Asian languages, Japanese uses a complex system of honorifics, i.e. a system where a number of different levels of politeness are expressed in language via words, word forms or grammatical constructs. These can range from addressing someone or referring to someone with contempt (very informal) to expressing the highest level of reference (as used in addressing or referring to God) or any number of levels in-between. One way Japanese shows different degree of politeness is through the choice of a benefactive construction as shown here in the widely-used Japanese Shinkaiyaku (新改訳) Bible of 2017.

Here, tomonatte (伴って) or “accompany” is used in combination with kudasaru (くださる), a respectful form of the benefactive kureru (くれる). A benefactive reflects the good will of the giver or the gratitude of a recipient of the favor. To convey this connotation, English translation needs to employ a phrase such as “for me (my sake)” or “for you (your sake).” (Source: S. E. Doi, see also S. E. Doi in Journal of Translation, 18/2022, p. 37ff. )

Translation commentary on Psalm 31:3 - 31:4

In verse 3 the word for fortress is the same as in verse 2; rock is here a different one from the one in verse 2, but it has the same meaning (it is also used in 18.2).

For thy name’s sake: see discussion at 23.3.

The two verbs lead me and guide me are used in 23.2, 3; here the two forms in Hebrew make for a pleasant alliteration: taneheni and tanahaleni.

For the phrase in verse 4 “to hide a net,” see the comments at 9.15. The expression take me out of the net gives the impression that the psalmist is already caught. However, see Good News Translation. The intention is that the writer asks to be spared from being caught in the trap. In some languages this can best be expressed, for example, “Don’t let me pass where my enemies have laid their traps” or “Guide me away from the hidden traps of my enemies.”

Refuge is the same word used in verse 2 “(a rock) of refuge.” The translator should follow Revised Standard Version in the last line, translating it as a statement, and not as a petition as in Good News Translation.

Quoted with permission from Bratcher, Robert G. and Reyburn, William D. A Handbook on the Book of Psalms. (UBS Helps for Translators). New York: UBS, 1991. For this and other handbooks for translators see here .

Psalm 31: Layer by Layer

The following is a presentation by the Psalms: Layer by Layer project, run by Scriptura . The first is an overview and the second an introduction into the exegesis of Psalm 31.


Copyright © Scriptura


Copyright © Scriptura